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YOUTH ACTION FOR THE AFRICAN CENTURY: International relations and solidarity
Objectives of ANCYL international perspectives:-
- Participate in the implementation of the ANC international policy.
- contribute in building a strong youth movement in Africa and the world in general,
- organising dialogues and cooperation activities with youth organisations of all countries to promote peace, sovereignity democracy and socio-economic progress,
- oppose imperialism, expansionism or any idea of domination,
- promoting exchange with the youth of other countries to strengthen friendship and mutual understanding,
- promote ANC government`s foreign policy,
- advance African Renaissance,
- to establish and develop relationship with all anti-imperialist, progressive and democratic youth organisations,
- Pledge solidarity by supporting liberation movement in any part of the world for the attainment of national liberation, democracy human rights, justice, equality, freedom and peace.
Having recovered from the shock of the financial crisis that suddenly appeared in Asia in mid 1997, economists and policy planners are now scrambling for answers.
The world will probably have to await the analysis of future economic historians before a balanced assessment of the current events can be made. Unemployment is rising throughout the region as workers are laid off and economs are laid off and economic activity slows.
In the meantime, millions of people, especially in the worst hit countries, are facing the real risk of vastly reduced living standards or even of starvation.
Globalization and its impact on Africa
Tenants of globalization
- Privatization of state assets
- Removing the exchange controls
- Removal of tariffs
- Flexible labour standards
- Weaker state
- Weaker organs of civil society
There is a question we must ask ourselves: What is the fundamental test of globalization? It is not whether markets are open or less open. That mistakes the means for the end.
The end is human development. The fundamental question is whether globalization is helping to lift the poor from poverty, whether it is empowering the many, not just the few, whether its blessings are shared widely, whether it works for working people.
If we care about equitable, sustainable development, then the impact on people, incomes, but the environment, health, food, security, debt forgiveness, and democratic participation can no longer simply be left to chance.
Origin of world economic crisis
These are a number of factors that contributed to the economic downturn. Corruption, irresponsible governance, property speculation, undisclosed debts, nation, undisclosed debts, nepotism, favoritism, poorly enforced financial regulations emerged as the major culprits. The shady social, political and business practices certainly would not be conducive to effective economic management. But these alone cannot be the only factors.
The assiduous promotion of free trade and open capital markets which has characterized economic theory and policy formulation around the world since the mid 1980s is less beneficial to many economies than originally anticipated. This current economic orthodoxy accepts the classical capitalist argument that fewer obstructions to trade and financial flows between countries will allow global resources to be used more fully and efficiently, resulting in higher living standards for all.
Not surprisingly, the strongest support for the free trade position emanates from highly developed and mature industrial nations whose big corporations and financial institutions dominate world trade and investment and have most to gain from ready access to the widest range of markets. An alternative viewpoint recognizes that premature trade and financial liberalization can hamper the development of emerging economies, which are often in competition with well-established manufacturing and trading nations. It is relevant to note that, the world`s economic powers, - Germany, Japan, USA, all began their development behind protectionist walls.
For economy to grow, it has to rely upon extensive government involvement to guide and protect growth. The East Asia dragons also followed this path. By the mid 1980s, industrial sectors throughout most of East Asia had become very competitive on a global scale. They undoubtedly benefited from relatively open markets, particularly those of North America, which had absorbed their exports. Their bunking and financial systems, however, had not achieved the sophistication and strength of those in the more advanced Western economies.
Though often heavily dependent on foreign direct investment, a situation particularly true of the second generation dragons, they remained protective of domestic financial markets and currencies, and controlled foreign borrowing, until the early 1990s. It is a fallacy to assume that exposing a developing economy to liberation would ensure sustained growth.
Liberalization, whose effect is to remove all restriction, would permit unhindered capital flight and push the economy into large-scale exceptional financing. The price for such financing would be domestic recession and economic retrogression, provoking even sharper social and political unrest, and further undermining the long run state of expectations, which further compounds capital flight.
In Malaysia, Thailand and Indonesia, liberalization, under pressure from the West, brought significant capital inflows, which wel inflows, which were channeled, through unsophisticated and inefficient domestic banking systems. Economically fragile societies opened to powerful intrusive and exploitative foreign forces.
The rapid expansion of bank credit strained risk assessment capabilities. Funds flowed into unprofitable and speculative activities, frequently leading to the accumulation of unsustainable levels of debt held in foreign currencies. South Korea, although economically much stronger than the South East Asian nations, had similar banking weaknesses due to over-investment in new plants and equipment and expansion into new areas by industrial conglomerates, all funded by heavy overseas borrowing.
Vishnavath Desui, former chief economist at the Asia Development Bank, said a major reason for the region`s financial distress was a misallocation of cheap foreign capital for speculative pueculative purposes, projects of dubious value and the creation of excess capacity in the automobile and petrochemical industries and in condominiums.
Developing countries should keep tighten on foreign involvement in their banking sectors. The financial services sector must be protected. Set regulations that will make it difficult for international investors to find it difficult to speculate on either the currency or the stock market.
Retain controls on capital flow.
The central bank policy should aim at maintaining currency stability and keep the exchange rate within a reasonable range. The central bank should step in whenever unhealthy expectation arises or panic occurs in stock and currency markets.
An element of protection against the full force of market freedom is beneficial for emerging economies and crucial if they are to grow strong enough to cope with the world`s economic powerhouses.
Challenges for Africa
Africa has become part of the international economy. Globalization appears inevitable and the movement for such an open viewpoint of the world market has taken root and focused on the functions of the WTO. The numerous on-going negotiations under the auspices of WTO, all apparently aimed at a so-called free market economy on the world stage are now posing a real threat to the weaker economies of the world, in partof the world, in particular Africa.
To meet the inevitable forces of globalization head on and to counter their threats into opportunities, countries have strengthened themselves or are strengthening themselves in the safety of numbers, through regional groupings. In a world where the size of your domestic or regional market and the extent or variety or your natural resources give you the wherewithal in influencing economic activity, the central concern for any country should be the close co-operation between it and its neighbours. The developed West has been only too conscious of this basic requirement over a long period of time, hence the European community and now the European Union in the drive for regional unity and integration, they are far ahead.
The level of harmonization for every aspect of economic activity within the European Union places it high above any other regional grouping to meet the challenges of globalization. The need for regional unity on the World Trade Map has equally been self-evident elsewhere.
Our economies are just too small and insignificant to stand on their own in this era of globalization for Africa, the drive for strong economic unity has not been as rapid and forceful as exhibited elsewhere on the global map and neither has it been matched with the desire for political unity as exhibited within the continent. Now, with the threat of globalization, the need for regional and continentgional and continental unity can never be more urgent or apparent and therein lies our means of survival.
The debt crisis
The ruling families of the imperialist countries, through their banks, have put more and more of their international loan-sharking operation preying on the working class in the third world. Governments in Africa, Latin America, the Caribbean, Asia and the Pacific have borrowed heavily from banks in New York, Tokyo, Paris, London, Stokholm, Sydney, Toronto and other financial centres.
Altogether the foreign debt of those countries was $1,2 trillion in Latin America and Caribean alone, the total foreign debt in 1988 was $410 billion. In Africa the debt stood at $218 billion. Acting for the wealthiest capitalist, the big banks suck billions at dollars in interest payments out to those countries every year. In 1986, for example, Latin America and the Caribbean alone transferred more than $22 billion in interest payments to the coffers of Chase Manhattan, Royal Bank of Canada, Barclays Sumitomo, credit Lyonnais and other financial institutions. Lending agencies such as the Paris Club, IMF, World Bank and Inter-American Development Bank are also at the hub of this brutal rip off. Africa owes about R1 350 billion to creditors. World Bank figures illustrate that in 1996 Africa transferred R86, 4 billion of its precious resources to the Organisation for Economic Cooperation anomic Cooperation and Development countries. (World Bank`s World Development Report 2000-1). South Africa inherited foreign debt of more than R90 billion and an internal debt of about R185 billion.
To keep these interest payments flowing in the lending institutions demand that governments in the oppressed countries cut wages and increase speedup, slash even minimal social expenditures and implement other brutal austerity measures aimed at squeezing more and more out of poor people. The bankers demand that these countries turn over ownership of even more of their soil, forests, mines and industries to imperialist interest. More and more of the economy`s production is pushed toward the export trade to gain foreign exchange in order to pay the debt instead of producing the food, clothes and other basic goods needed by the citizens at home.
In growing numbers of these countries, income from export sales has been insufficient to make even the interest payments or pay back part of the original loan, let alone to use for economic development consequently they have been forced to borrow more money just to pay the mounting interest of the existing debt.
Other countries have negotiated the rescheduling of debt. The foreign debt of the third world is simply unpayable. As it spirals ever higher it can lead only to one end: massive bank failures that will trigger a world economic disaster. Government of the third world must unithird world must unite their forces with the aim of achieving the cancellation of the debt.
Africa`s efforts at economic unity have bee painfully slow despite the creation of the African Economic community within the framework of the OAU a few years ago. Many reasons can be proffered to explain this snail pace development, not the least of which is the historical and colonial linkages with our former colonial masters. We must emphasize the need for economic integration for Africa to survive in the global economic environment of today and of the future. The emergence of regional economic groups in Africa was a step in the right direction.
From ECOWAs in the North to SADC, Africa`s plains are now marked with real intent towards economic integration and growth. It is the speed with which this agenda is being pursued that is cause for worry. The initiatives are as follows:
All these are efforts towards economic integration and though regional in essence, the dream is that sometime in the future, an economic integration of the whole continent can be realized through further integration of these regional initiatives. The focus is again on the creation of a free trade area within the membership group - and this is no easy task either - as our experience in SADC testifies.ce in SADC testifies.
The dream of SADC is that a free trade area encompassing members be established within six years from entry into force to be achieved through gradual elimination and eventual removal of barriers, tariff and non-tariff. This process is to be achieved through and alongside increased Trade and investment between and among member states. To achieve this, a total harmonization of tariffs, need to be accomplished first and this pursuit is still far from realization. The final analysis of the need for self-preservation as part of a group or outside it. And, though the (aroused) intent is survival as part of the regional grouping, the differences come in the consideration of when and how each country should let go.
Speaking at the SADC conference in Maputo in March 1998, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Alfred Nzo declared during the opening of the two-daf the two-day conference that SADC is the only vehicle that will take us to the Promised Land of a united and prosperous Southern Africa.
However, we are still far from achieving the self-reliance necessary to make our region a major player in the global market. A strong SADC is therefore necessary for a beneficial impact on globalization. The major problem in SADC has therefore been on implementation of the agreed Trade protocols. The negotiations have been endless though the pronouncements of need have been vocal and frequent. It would appear to be a case of the spirit willing while the body is not yet ready.
An analysis of the trade figures especially those of intra-trade among SADC states show a very promising picture for full harmonization, but the strong will to achieve seems absent. In 1998, intra-trade in SADC accounted for 28% of total trade. In addition, between the period 1993-95 intra-trade exports grew 70% from US$2.8 to US$4.8 billion, and though SA was responsible for over 50% of this trade, Botswana, Zimbabwe and Swaziland contributed some 30-33% amounting to just over 20% of regional trade. There is therefore much scope for improvement.
There is therefore a great need for ANCYL to lobby vigorously for ratification in our country.
There is need for progressive organisations to both individually and collectively highlight the pressing need to economic integration lest we be trampled eest we be trampled each in our grace by the more powerful forces outside our borders and indeed outside our continent.
In the face of Globalization, Africa is therefore stilling far from ready to meet the challenges that come with it.
CAN AFRICAN ECONOMIES SUSTAIN DEVELOPMENT WITHOUT FOREIGN AID?
Talking of African economies sustaining development must bring to ones mind two aspects. One is individual African economies by way of a country by country approach and the other is from a collective point on view. The second aspect is the base. The base of African economy development must first and foremost be Africa`s resource both human and material. These have to be fully used to meet Africa`s own needs.
Invariably, African economies are characterized and do face weaknesses such as:
- serious structural rigidities because of their subsistence nature and dependence on unprocessed primary commodities for export,
- worsening terms of trade,
- natural disaster such as drought, floods, food shortage and environmental degradation
- Inadequate negotiating capacity.
Generally it is accepted that the objective of foreign aid is to promote economic growth leading to improve social welfare of the recipient country`s economy. In practice however, there are uncertainities with regard to the actual impact and contribution of exterand contribution of external aid to that end. Much as foreign aid flows can supplement export earned foreign exchange thereby enabling recipient countries to enhance their import capacity and achieve a higher rate of per capita income plus consumption that would otherwise be impossible, this aspect does not tell the whole story. Indeed this can only be resorted to if the debt servicing payments on the existing stock of debt is lower than the new debt flows.
When closely analyzed foreign aid exhibits traces of still being provided on the basis of either ideology or former colonial relationship. Foreign aid also tends to be provided to countries that run a large trade deficit with the donor country so as to finance the deficit.
Prof. Adebuyo Adedej, in an article titled "African The Case for Rethinking" says aid has become the opium of the African leaders. Without aid nothing happens. With such an attitude of mind and thinking, then the aid syndrome is so devastating that it subverts rather than energizes development.
It would appear this aid dependence developed from the once dominant paradigm that the motive force of economic development was massive capital injection. The net cumulative effect of this paradigm is the massive debt crisis, which today threatens the very survival of most African countries and of course their economies.
What needs to be done to get Africa out of dependence s out of dependence syndrome?
One may venture to suggest the launching of the continent on the path of self-sustained and self-reliant development approach. Self-reliance should be divorced from the mistaken ideological outlook and instead just focus and meant the allowing of domestic needs and demands to determine the direction of development and economic growth. Another aspect and element of this increasing substitution of domestic factor inputs in the place of external factor inputs.
The question of increasing the participation of the mass of the people in the production and consumption of the social product must not be brushed aside. To some this must sound and mean democratic, political and economic empowerment of the masses of the people.
The other twin aspect of self-reliance as described above is self-sustainment. By this is meant promotion of mutually supportive and reinforcing structures with cumulative and multiplication effects so that the whole system can unleash its own internal dynamics. Such strategy is inward looking rather than externally oriented.
Foreign exchange earnings are no longer regarded as the sacred cow. Neither is foreign trade accorded the disproportionate importance it seems to command. This calls for collective self-reliance or regional and sub regional economic integration.
In view of the above, African economies have a duty to sustain development without development without depending totally on foreign aid must resort to new approaches. There is no way of avoiding integration of physical, institutional and social infrastructure. Production structures have to be integrated at regional levels so as to reap economies of large scale and avoid duplication of scarce resource utilization.
Because outsiders cannot undertake economic activities in a political vacuum situation, resolution of inter-country conflicts and the prevention of acts of political destabilization and insiders have to be given the importance it deserves. The ensuring of stability and security both at nation-state level as well as inter-country level has to look into.
The creation of enabling environment for initiative and enterprise and for across the border factor movements in the region or sub-region concerned should lead to acceptable levels of African economies being able to sustain development without the necessity of development having to depend heavily on foreign assistance.
Solidarity and co-operation are imperative for the African economies if they seriously want to sustain development without foreign aid. The variety of levels of development and diversity of resource endowments amongst these economies, call for different routes towards their liberation from underdevelopment, a fact that at the same time provides expanded scope for cooperation.
These countries economies, by joint endeavoes, by joint endeavours to maximise their different resources of expertise, capital or markets, would be able to address their separate and differing needs more effectively, thereby widening their development options.
Co-operation can provide important new opportunities for development based on relevance of respective development experience, know-how and skills, and on availability of complementary natural and financial resources plus management and technical skills derived from advances of science and technology advancement.
Co-operation should enable African economies become stronger in their negotiations seeking to sustain their development. While developed countries are expanding their efforts at economic integration why shouldn`t African economies and their respective countries do the same? Indeed sub-regional, regional and inter-regional co-operation has now become i now become indispensable for these economies sustained growth.
Foreign aid or foreign assistance, useful as it is and for some of our economies that have received it and continue to receive the same are thankful indeed, however foreign aid does not take away the duty and obligation of an African economy to be its own engine and motive power to sustain development. Foreign aid as and when made available may only supplement the inherent obligation of any African economy to sustain its continued development. And in order for African economies to be able to sustain development without foreign aid the saying "united we stand, divided we fall" should be guarded, practiced speedily and jealously.
In the face of Globalization, Africa is still far from ready to meet the challenges that come with it. The threats of liberalization and Globalization are real for Africa at present, given the continuous political upheavals all over Africa and the unsteady resolve to integrate our economies. However, the most promising opportunity for survival and growth is in the form of regional integration of our economies.
United in our economies we can withstand, and even persist over demands of the global market and direct them towards our own desired ends. However, the weak will for such integration and the continued conflicts in our continent are serious drawbacks for our participation in the global economy. We need to make bold d need to make bold decisions for our survival, and these decisions have to be made now.
As youth our task in advancing the African Renaissance is to lead a "rebellion" against dictators and military juntus who let Africa down.
MAP (Millennium Africa Renaissance Programme)
The three presidents of SA, Nigeria and Algeria have been mandated to draft an economic recovery plan for Africa.
MAP as it is commonly known is a declaration of a firm commitment by African leaders to take ownership and responsibility for the sustainable economic development of the continent. The programme is multifaceted and covers the following priority areas:-
- creating peace, stability, security and democratic governance, without which it would be impossible to engage in meaningful economic activity,
- investing in Africa`s people through a comprehensive human resource strategy,
- Harnessing and developing Africa`s strategic and comparative advantages in the resource-based sectors to lead the development of an industrial strategy.
- Increasing investments in the information and communication technology sector, without the digital divide.
- Development of infrastructure
- Development financing mechanism
For Africa to survive globalisation it need MAP, which will also enable the continent to unlock its ecotinent to unlock its economic potential,
South Africa and its role in Africa
South Africa`s vision for the SADC region is to bring about the highest possible degree of economic integration consistent with socio-economic and political reality. South Africa has great responsibilities for the future continent and for helping to change conditions in Africa. There is a vital need for South Africa to take the lead in ensuring durable peace and stability in Africa.
The OAU has since 1993 begun to make a determined effort in this regard by establishing a resolution of conflicts in Africa. SA will have to do the maximum possible to assist the enhancement of the OAU`s capacity in this regard. SA`s commitment to support the search for peaceful solutions to conflicts on our continent and elsewhere, remains a priority.
South Africa plays an active role in the SADC organ on Politics, Defense and Security, as well as the OAU central organ for conflict prevention, Management and Resolution. It is also a member of the Commonwealth Action Group, which seeks to promote the aims set out in the Harare Declaration. SA`s commitment to Africa is absolute.
The former president, Nelson Mandela at the SAIIA/UWC conference on 19 March 1998 said "the success of our programme for the reconstruction and development of S.A depends also on the peoples of Southern Africa and of Africa as a whole achfrica as a whole achieving our common goals of democracy, peace and social progress".
As S.A. succeeds, it will be turning the SADC region into the powerful engine for development it has the potential to being a building block of an African economic community and a vital force in helping to make the 21st century the African century.
The imperatives of development define South Africa`s destiny not only as an African nation, but also as a nation of the South.
SA therefore seeks every opportunity to keep development issues high on the agenda, whether it is in our co-operation with nations at a similar stage of development or in the partnerships it is building with developed nations.
SA has a clear understanding of the role that it should and is expected to play in Africa and in the developing world. There is an expectation from Africa and the rest of the world that SA has a role to play a role of contributing to peace and stability in the continent and to the African economic Renaissance. However, this does not suggest that SA is adopting a Big Brother on Triumph list syndrome.
Our future is in extricably linked to that of Africa. And if we are serious and committed to our vision of our African Renaissance, we cannot avoid our responsibilities.
South - South Co-operation
Globalization and liberation has increased economic disparities between the Northes between the Northern and the South. Countries of the South need to accelerate development and enhance their capacities, in order to deal with the challenges posed by globalization and liberalization. In the Jakarta Summit in 1992, NAM which is a vehicle for South - South cooperation resolved that effective South - South cooperation requires an important role on the part of amongst others - central banks, finance ministries and financial institutions of developing countries.
It added that direct investment flows between countries need to be promoted, underlining also the important role of regional economic cooperation and integration. The reference to investment flows between developing countries relates to evidence that trade between countries typically increases after increased investment in their respective markets.
NAM and G-77 needs to identify the real obstacles to South - South cooperation. Little progress has been achieved in this regard. Re-orientation of the focus to South-South transfer applications and sharing of existing technology, as well as the innovative application of northern technology, remain impractical. According to Adbul Minty, DDG at DFA, patent law, intellectual property regimes and competition between Southern suppliers work against the achievement of true South - South cooperation. G-77 and NAM should develop a coordinated and cooperative approach to matters common to the interests of dethe interests of developing states.
South-South co-operation should not negate dialogue with the North, in particular the EU and G-8. The dialogue will assist in generating mutually satisfactory and co-ordinated approaches to problems such as debt, terms of trade, commodity ï¿½ pricing, environmental concerns and sustainable development.
SA should enhance its co-operation with the developing economies. In March 1997, SA joined thirteen other countries in Mauritius at a meeting to adopt the charter for the Indian Ocean Rim Association for Regional co-operation. This grouping, which could eventually embraced one-third of the world population, holds considerable promise and will, hopefully, enhance the importance of SADC and South - South co-operation, as well as establishing another link between Africa and Asia, to the benefit of all.
The recent bilateral economateral economic agreement between SA and Brazil presents another opportunity. This is especially so given that Brazil presents a huge potential market, which is growing as, the end of hyperinflation has boosted average purchasing power. The importance of exchanges the importance of exchanging expertise and pooling resources cannot be overstated. Brazil and SA face similar challenges:
"externally, how to catch up with the industrialized nations, and internally, how to raise the standard of living of the poorer parts of the population. President Fernando Cardoso of Brazil sums it up, the perception, that we are experiencing some of the same problems is an important element in bringing us closer, including at the international table. The joint actions of countries like Brazil and SA are indispensable in the shaping of the globalization process"
PAN AFRICAN YOUTH MOVEMENT (PYM)
The Pan African Youth Movement was born on 25th April 1962 in Conakry, Guinea within the euphoria of the gained sovereignty for some countries and the radicalisation of armed struggle for other countries to liberate themselves from the colonial yoke.
During the 1960s, commonly referred to as the "independent years", the creation of the PYM translated into action the will of the founding fathers of the OAU to initiate the youth in taking the present and future responsibility for mresponsibility for managing the destiny of Africa, with a view to making the youth the sustainers of not only the work as a liberation its multiple achievement but also that work as a creed, as a common platform and guidance in the daily life of the young people who are the future of the continent.
As early as 1962, at its launching conference the PYM opted for unity of thought and action, informing and mobilizing the youths for a total liberation of the continent from all forms of foreign domination, the struggle for economic and social independence and for a cultural rehabilitation of Africa.
The PYM serves as a link between the youth on one hand and government and OAU, specialized agencies of the UN and NGOs on the other hand. The objectives of the PYM remain noble, however its silence on the intervention regarding the problems facing young people in the continent is deafening.
What compound the problem is that the organization does not have a clear definition of youth, hence its conference is an assembly of youth, government ministers and NGOs, representatives of which some have lost touch with youth interests. The PYM needs to reassess its membership system by excluding individuals who are not youth, government ministers and NGOs, since the majority of them are not youth-led but just want to justify their existence. The leadership of the PYM has lost touch with the member organizations.
The problems alluded above do not suggest that the PYM has outlined its objectives. The ANCYL and other member organizations must drive the process to breath life into the PYM.
Solidarity is not only about charity. You will remember the selfless sacrifices that the Cubans made in the battle of Cuito Cuanuvalle in Angola. This solidarity battle set a pace for the liberation and sovereignty in the entire Southern Africa states.
Struggles for solidarity are fought in a global scale. It will therefore be important to realise that despite our different social discourses, we should still co-operate and strengthen our bonds of friendship against perpetual servitude. Neither person nor country should monopolise the natural resources. No country can afford to be told how to conduct its transformation discourses. It will be wrongful to allow some self declared world police to dictate to us.
It is up to the citizenry of the world today, not only to say that but also to robustly fight side by side to eliminate domination. The very essence of anti-imperialism is grounded on our capacity to pledge solidarity both in expression as well as qualitatively. We must learn to be selfless and take side of the exploited worldwide.
The struggle against imperialism should not be understood as only about democratic election and self-governance, instead it should permeate to the extenermeate to the extent to which developing states are able to regulate their economies in the terms dictated by their own conditions.
Whether or not the youth in the world had something to celebrate in the advent of the 21st century, largely depend on the analysis that they make and the contribution they make without narrow selfish interests but an effort that is geared to the resolution and salvation of humanity in its entirety. The youth has been in the receiving end of economic deprivation and refugee crisis as a result of endless war in the south. How do they study when wars are fermented daily.
The developing nation and its youth are still to fight yet another yet another fierce battle, economic domination by superpowers through globalization of markets and technology. As combatants against imperialism we need to resist becoming the forever followers and weak partners in the business world and politics. We need our own creative new strategies to roll back colonisation under the cloak of globalisation of economies, as we cannot afford watching our economic resources exploited without any say.
Our international relations constitute an active contribution by the organisation to the common cause of the peoplesï¿½ of the world for peace, national independence, democracy and social progress. ANCYL strives to promote friendship, unity and solidarity with progressive youth of the world, to oppose imperia, to oppose imperialism and to achieve global independence. It is necessarily to make known and support the struggle of the peoples for their right to independence and self-determination. We fight against the imposition of political, social and cultural regimes by force of economic blockades and military oppression.
It is necessary to fight against imperialism, the main cause of the problems that affect humanity. The struggles that are fought worldwide are innumerable; the student movement struggle for the right to education, workers struggle in the defence of their right their rights, the struggle of the numerous and powerful opinion movements against racism and xenophobic, in the defence of the rights of immigrants, solidarity movement, with the struggle of the Western Sahara, Sudan, East-Timor, Cuba, Palestine, Angola and Swaziland.
SUDAN: Sudan is the largest country in Africa. When it became independent in 1956, the muslim north dominated the parliament. Civil war broke out because the south resisted attempts by government to enforce the policy of Arabisation and Islamisation. Dr John Garang leader of the SPLA and other progressive organisations has fought successive oppressive regimes. There are attempts by President Mandela to try to convince Garang and General Mohammed Al Bashir to a peaceful settlement of Sudanese conflict.
WESTERN SAHARA: The saharawi people have been sujugated for more than two dec more than two decades by the brutal regime of King Hassan of Morocco. Polisario Front is fighting for the liberation of Western Sahara and the OAU and UN have since passed the resolutions calling for the referendum with a view to enabling the Saharawi people to determine freely, democratically and transparently their destiny without interference. The ANCYL has strong relations with Ujasario and call the UN government to expedite the holding of referendum. Any inconsistent with international law, therefore the people of Western Sahara are entitled to independence.
CUBA: The end of the cold war has ushered in "New World order" which tilted balance of forces to the imperialist favour. This "New World order" has adverse repercussion on small economies like Cuba, Vietnam, North Korea and others, Which still persuade socialist policies. The US is applying the trade blockade on Cuba ade on Cuba and she has since passed the Helms Burton law to enforce the blockade. Cuba is a country, which has sacrificed its meagre resources to fight imperialism globally and South Africa in particular. The ANCYL pulls its weight behind international calls to lift economic blockade on Cuba. The ANCYL must strengthen its long existing bilateral relations with Young Communist League of Cuba.